Congress Functions Like an NGO, Front Organizations in Shambles
By Ritesh Sinha
Leader of the Opposition and former Congress President Rahul Gandhi is working relentlessly to sharpen the party’s edge both inside Parliament and on the streets. On this agenda, he often overshadows the entire opposition single-handedly. However, entrenched individuals within the Congress organization are dulling his edge from within.
One such front organization is the Congress Seva Dal, once known for its effective booth management during elections. Under Mahendra Joshi’s leadership, it has shrunk into a mere room-bound entity. Today, its activities are limited to celebrating birthdays. The organization is currently run by Lalji Desai, the owner of a small NGO in Gujarat. Seva Dal now functions like a notice board and has become a burden for Congress. Once, it was overseen by Indira Gandhi herself, followed by Rajiv Gandhi as its president. Leaders like Tariq Anwar, Rameshwar Nikhar, and Prahlad Yadav had given it strength, but Mahendra Joshi curtailed it. Former MP Dada D.P. Rai has consistently recommended reviving the organization’s glory. Rai was once the driving force behind the Youth Development Centre, which had coordinators across the country strengthening the organization at the block level. Many of those coordinators even secured positions in state assemblies based on their organizational prowess. Present Amethi MP Kishori Lal Sharma is also considered a student of that school.
Another front, the All India Mahila Congress, is in tears of decline. President Alka Lamba has turned it into a personal shop. Through her NGO, she is proudly selling sanitary napkins bearing Rahul Gandhi’s photo. These days, to get or retain a post in the Mahila Congress, one must meet a “target” of selling sanitary pads. The organization once nurtured by female stalwarts of Congress—from Begum Abida Ahmed (its first president), Kumudben Joshi, Girija Vyas, Ambika Soni, Chandresh Kumari, Margaret Alva, to Netta D’Souza—has now been reduced to a joke. Alka Lamba has degraded its office bearers into mere sanitary pad sellers with her arrogance and eccentricity.
The Youth Wing (NSUI) is now in the hands of Kanhaiya Kumar, who treats it like a toy and strikes deals at his convenience. Under the NSUI banner and holding the tricolor in one hand, he often bows to the red flag. Ironically, the very JNU that helped him gain clout in Congress is now a place he avoids. Known for his bombast, Kanhaiya claims to come from a below-poverty-line family but doesn’t shy away from clashing with powerful Congress leaders over money and influence. He is a risk to the party’s integrity, capable of making backdoor deals with any political party. His love for the red flag persists. As NSUI in-charge, he remains absent from student union elections.
Kanhaiya, who was battered politically everywhere, entered Congress after being defeated in Bihar and now showcases arrogance in Delhi. He’s trying to get into the Bihar Assembly by courting Tejashwi Yadav, using RJD Rajya Sabha MP Manoj Jha, his old JNU acquaintance, as a bridge. Tejashwi, who once failed his Class 9 exams, now seems to hold a PhD in Bihar politics. Kanhaiya and Pappu Yadav were literally shoved out of the car in Rahul Gandhi’s presence, symbolizing the party’s disdain for such opportunists. Meanwhile, Akhilesh Singh, once a loyalist of Lalu Yadav, was riding that same vehicle. When Kanhaiya first arrived at Sadaqat Ashram as a Congressman, slogans like “CM should be like Kanhaiya” echoed from the airport. Now, he’s merely clinging to Tejashwi’s coattails.
Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi’s circles are now full of individuals who, by showing off their NGO credentials, have occupied cushy organizational positions. These very leaders are responsible for Congress’s downfall in UP, Bihar, West Bengal, Delhi, Gujarat, and Haryana.
Mallikarjun Kharge, who became Congress President riding on Dalit politics, couldn’t even contest the Lok Sabha elections. He openly acknowledges someone else as the high command and still aspires to become Karnataka’s Chief Minister—a goal he’s trying hard to fulfill. Despite being a dyed-in-the-wool Congressman, Kharge failed as a CM contender in Karnataka. In fact, a voting process between him and the current CM Siddaramaiah revealed that Kharge lacked sufficient legislative support. When he lost, he blamed V. George, who had proposed that the CM be elected through voting because Kharge repeatedly claimed majority support. This was proven false in the legislative party meeting.
Now, another controversy surrounds the Congress SC Department. Instead of experienced Dalit leaders, Rajendra Pal Gautam, a former AAP member who recently joined Congress, was made the national president. This decision has raised eyebrows.
During UPA, Sonia Gandhi preferred appointing V. George over A.K. Antony to the Congress Working Committee and assigning him organizational responsibilities. But Digvijay Singh, a Kharge-Johnny-Tony gang opponent and Rahul-Priyanka loyalist, blocked his entry. Under Kharge, getting a post is not difficult—as recent appointments suggest. Even leaders involved in financial manipulation of campaign funds in Bulandshahr have been rewarded with top posts. The recent appointments in the Dalit and SC cell are glaring examples of “give and take” politics.
Even Kisan Congress is limping along—led by a builder. The president, Sukhpal Singh Khaira, is supposedly aided by Akhilesh Shukla, a former property dealer from Bengaluru who now oversees the organization. Despite hailing from Purvanchal, Shukla’s Bengaluru links and Kharge’s blessings have elevated him in AICC. In the name of farmer leadership, the organization is filled with traders, businessmen, and realtors—while genuine farmers are sidelined. Recently, a controversial appointment of the Bihar Kisan Congress President faced stiff resistance—even from national office-bearers within the organization.
Bihar in-charge Krishna Allavaru, also from Karnataka, has helped maintain Shukla’s dominance. Where Congress governments are in power, prices (for positions) are higher, and the competition is fierce. Due to their Karnataka background and Bengaluru ties, few dare to raise a voice. Complaints to Allavaru have often resulted in expulsions from the party. Kharge’s working style has long been criticized. Former Bihar Congress President Akhilesh and his team, once dismissed for incompetence, are now part of the CWC. Allavaru seemed disoriented upon reaching Bihar, but some mysterious pressure subdued him.
The Gujarat election results exposed the Congress organization’s flaws, and similar outcomes are expected in Bihar, where negative signs are already visible.
